Stanford University School of Medicine and the Predecessor Schools: An Historical Perspective
Part IV: Cooper Medical college 1883-1912

Chapter 26. Lane Hospital 1895

Lane Hospital 1895

When the project to double the size of the original College building was completed in 1890, the classrooms and laboratories of the school were among the best in the country. Yet Dr. Lane believed that the College required additional facilities if it was to realize his dream of self-sufficiency and supremacy for the school. At the meeting of the Board of Directors on 18 March 1892 Dr. Lane stated enigmatically that he "contemplated improvements in the form of an extension of Cooper Medical College." He made no reference to the nature of the "improvements." until he delivered his "Annual Report of the President" to the Board almost a year later on 23 January 1893.

In that Report Dr. Lane stated, with obvious pride, that "During the year which has just elapsed the number of matriculates was one hundred and seventy-eight, a greater number of students than at any previous time in the history of the College. There were thirty-eight graduates; the proficiency of these as well as of the Junior and Freshmen, was in general of a high order. " He then added:

To increase the efficiency in the work of Clinical Instruction, I will soon create a hospital on the grounds of the Corporation, with facilities for caring for about one hundred patients; and the funds for erecting the hospital will be furnished by myself.

Dr. Lane was so concerned with preserving a detailed account of his planning and building of the hospital that he left among his personal papers a small notebook containing an "Historical Sketch of Lane Hospital." It would be unpardonable not to pass along his observations by paraphrasing generous excerpts from the Sketch:[1]

In 1882 the Medical College of the Pacific underwent an important transformation. In that year, I constructed a College building at the corner of Webster and Sacramento Streets from my private resources. The Medical College of the Pacific was then converted into the present institution known as Cooper Medical College and moved to the new building.

After opening Cooper Medical College, the growth of the College was so rapid that the new building did not furnish adequate accommodations. Therefore, in 1890, I caused an annex to be erected and adjoined to the new building, doubling its capacity at a cost of over one hundred thousand dollars exclusive of the land on which it was built.

In the building thus enlarged there was sufficient room for instruction in all the branches with the exception of clinical or bedside teaching. It was finally apparent that to make Cooper College a school where the student could have every possible opportunity for a perfect medical education, one thing more was necessary - this was ready access to a hospital in which clinical instruction could be given.

Although such facilities had been enjoyed for some years at the County Hospital, the long distance to that institution involved a great loss of time in transit to both professors and students. This made another arrangement essential. Furthermore, the fact that we shared the County Hospital with Toland Medical College resulted in altercations in regard to division of the wards and assignment of the professors. Because of these difficulties, it soon became obvious to me that to complete the purpose of the College it must have its own hospital.

Planning for construction of a hospital in association with Cooper Medical College began in 1890 when Captain James M. McDonald, friend of Dr. Cooper, purchased the land adjacent to the College Building at a cost of $ 28,000 and donated it to the Corporation as a site for the hospital.

The most formidable obstacle encountered in building the hospital was a prejudice against it. There existed in San Francisco a vindictive enmity against hospitals. In 1890 an ordinance was then under consideration which forbade the erection of a hospital within the City and County of San Francisco unless permission was obtained from the Board of Supervisors. Passage of this ordinance would be equivalent to absolutely forbidding the erection of such a building for the Members of the Board of Supervisors were as hostile toward hospitals as the general public.

When the illiberal ordinance was proposed, I lobbied strenuously against its passage, but the claims of the ignorant public prevailed and secured its adoption, thus placing the greatest difficulty in the path of anyone who would engage in such a charitable enterprise as building a hospital. And it should be remarked, in passing, that the existence of a similar though less-sweeping ordinance had in times past so deterred individual enterprise on the part of charitable agencies that they sought elsewhere for a field for their humanitarian work.

The hostility to the building of a hospital in the neighborhood of Cooper College developed to such a degree of intense hatred that the opponents who lived in the vicinity held frequent meetings at which plans were discussed by which the erection could be prevented. From one who was present at one of those meetings it was learned that the malcontents had resolved to resort to violence if it was necessary to carry their point.

The flame of opposition was kindled to such a high degree of intensity that acrimonious communications appeared in the public press, denouncing the proposed hospital as an outrage which must be prevented at all cost. At this time I received through the mail a letter in which the College and my private residence were threatened destruction by dynamite. That this was not an empty threat was plainly shown by the anarchistic act of some miscreant who threw an explosive bomb into my yard near my house. Fortunately this was discovered and removed without damage to my property.

As reinforcement of the illegal methods intended to prevent the building of the hospital, a petition against the building was signed by nearly all property owners who lived in the area. This petition was submitted to the Board of Supervisors. Fortunately, Cooper College at this time had two strong friends in the Municipal Government, viz., Mayor Sanderson and Dr. Washington Ayer, a Supervisor; and another active friend was the Clerk of the Board of Supervisors, Mr. John Russell. Through the active management of these gentlemen, especially Mr. Russell, the Board was informally convened before consideration of the petition. The Board then proceeded to review a previous request from me, which they had approved, to build an "additional structure" to Cooper College for the purpose of completing an original plan. This original plan to build an additional structure (i. e., a hospital), had already been approved and partly carried out before the enactment of the recent ordinance against the erection of hospitals. On the basis of this prior approval, the Board of Supervisors ruled the I had acquired the right to build the hospital in spite of the recent ordinance.

Afterwards, the Board took up the petition from the dissenting property holders and refused to comply with their request to prevent construction of the hospital. As is apparent from what has been stated, the permission to create a charitable institution was obtained through many difficulties.

The work of erecting the hospital was entrusted to the Architects Messrs. Wright and Sanders who had constructed the buildings of Cooper College. It was estimated that the hospital would cost one hundred and ten thousand dollars. Ideas for the building were derived from numerous observations, some made by me during visits to Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Cincinnati and Chicago. Messrs. Wright and Sanders also made observations on visits to cities of the Atlantic coast and Canada. The final plan combined the best features of the many institutions observed.

The plan also included the suggestions of Mrs. Lane who, from the beginning of the work, industriously watched the interior construction and on many occasions prevented errors from being committed which, if they had passed unnoticed, would have seriously lessened the excellence of the hospital. For nearly two years most of her leisure time was spent in this work. As a well-earned reward for her sacrifices, it was my intent that her name should be given to the new hospital. This, however, she modestly declined, preferring that the new hospital should bear the name mutually shared by herself and husband. Thus the name of Pauline Lane Hospital, that for some months stood traced on the block of granite spanning the vestibule of the building, was replaced by Lane Hospital.

As hospital construction was approaching completion it was found that the first estimate of cost fell far short of the amount necessary. I was therefore obliged to provide considerably more than $ 150,000 for the building. This sum did not include furniture and equipment; to meet these unfunded requirements, the Faculty of Cooper College voted to donate $ 20,000 from its treasury, which amount included the greater part of the earnings of the College during the last twelve years. The Faculty committee appointed to superintend the furnishing began their arduous task about the middle of 1894 and worked with commendable industry on the duties assigned to them. The greater part of this work fell to Mrs. Lane to whose discerning judgment is due much of the excellence observable in the furnishing of the hospital.

In 1894 the prospective hospital was the recipient of three important gifts, viz., from Captain James M. McDonald, $25,000 for further support of the hospital; from Col. Claus Spreckels, $25, 000 for the same purpose; and from Mr. Andrew B. McCreery, $6000 for the maintenance of a bed in the hospital.

The laborious task of furnishing the institution was nearly concluded at the end of 1894, and a formal opening of Lane Hospital was held from one to three p. m. on Tuesday January 1st, 1895. This opening witnessed the presence of many of the prominent citizens of San Francisco. Words of unstinted praise and admiration fell from the lips of every visitor, and made the founders of the new institution content with the assurance that they had well accomplished their purpose of giving San Francisco an institution at which the sick and afflicted of the city can find a home of refuge.

I am pleased to state that the hospital, when opened to the public, made so favorable an impression, that it tended to greatly allay the animosity which hitherto existed against it. The effect was that, of the enemies, some became neutral, and the majority were converted into friends.

Illustration of Hospital and Floor Plans

The reporters of the San Francisco Chronicle, Morning Call and Evening Bulletin newspapers and the Occidental Medical Times were lavish in their acclaim of Dr. Lane's princely gift. The following is a composite of their accounts:[2][3][4][5]

The hospital annex to the Cooper Medical College, which has just been completed, was the scene of a reception on the afternoon of January 1st, 1895. Several hundred invited guests visited the hospital and inspected its superb appointments. The magnificent structure of brick faced with California granite, when taken with the adjoining college buildings, forms a quadrangle with three sides facing on Sacramento, Webster and Clay streets. The hospital is situated on the corner of Clay and Webster with a front of 140 feet on Clay and a depth of 130 feet. It was erected by Dr. Lane at a cost of $ 160,000, and presented to the corporation of Cooper Medical College. The aggregate of the gifts of lands and buildings presented to the College by Dr. Lane amounts to nearly a half million of dollars.

While the exterior of the hospital presents many architectural beauties, it was with the interior that the many assembled guests were most impressed. Passing through the Grecian portico on Clay street and up imposing granite steps, one enters a spacious vestibule floored with marble mosaic in brown and gray tones, the woodwork being of highly polished mahogany. A large white marble panel, set in the wall to the left of the entrance, bears the following inscription:

"This hospital, erected in the year 1893, by Levi Cooper Lane, physician and surgeon, with money earned by himself in his profession, is given by him to suffering humanity and the healing art in the hope that the former may find refuge and relief; the latter exercise of its human skill and intelligent sympathy."

In the upper one of a triple panel on the west wall it is recorded that in 1890 Captain J. M. McDonald bought and gave the site of the hospital at a cost of $ 28,000. Below are noted gifts from Colonel Claus Spreckels and Andrew McCreary, and another donation from Captain McDonald.

The noble, zealous spirit of Mrs. Lane, wife of Dr. Lane, permeates the entire hospital. She has watched, guided, suggested and worked hand-by hand with her husband, and the gentle influence of her worth is felt everywhere through the building. She is its guardian angel.

Leading off the main vestibule is a general reception room, richly and appropriately furnished. In pursuance of the idea of Mrs. Lane, this room is so situated that it connects with no part of the hospital except through the vestibule. The object of this is that while visitors may be received, they can in no way disturb the patients until their business is ascertained.

Two years have been devoted to the construction of the building which has six floors. From the foundation stone right up through the building the construction has been on strictly scientific principles. A system of heating and ventilation, perfect in all its details, has been provided at great cost. Steam radiators have been placed in the walls for even distribution of the heat. The lighting is by electricity, although gas fixtures have been provided for an emergency. A large elevator, and three dumb waiters for food and supplies, connect the floors.

The sub-basement is occupied by the boilers, engines and other machinery necessary to a hospital built to accommodate one hundred patients. On the first floor, which is on a level with the street, there is an emergency ward for patients who have met with accidents. This is equipped the same as other wards. Also on this floor there are an isolation-room; a dining room for the doctors; sleeping-rooms for nurses and other employees; and a laundry fitted with the latest machinery.

Floors two, three and four contain private rooms, wards and related facilities, while on the fifth floor there is the department for children which is the special pride of Mrs. Lane. There is a ward for boys and a ward for girls, separated by a prettily furnished playroom, all lighted by a skylight and made a little more bright and attractive than other wards. There are beds for the larger children and cribs for the little ones, and there are also private rooms where the very ill children may be isolated.

The sixth floor contains a large and well-lighted culinary department. In it are ranges, steam-kettles, coffee-boilers and a kettle which will contain gallons of soup. Here are shelves and racks for linen and crockery, and gas stoves for heating quickly anything a patient may require. The kitchen has been placed on this top floor, so that the patients may not be annoyed by the slightest odor of food in process of cooking. Also on this floor there are rooms for nurses and other employees.

There are two operating rooms which were a special attraction to the visitors. One is located on the fourth floor. It is large and well-lighted from without, and from within by gas and electricity. The operating table and the carriages for transferring the patients to and from the wards are of iron. They are fitted with rubber rollers, as are the iron and glass instrument tables, so that they may be moved about noiselessly.

The second operating room is one of the most valuable features of the new hospital. Its floor, at the sub-basement level, is the center of an amphitheater which will seat about 250. The amphitheater is connected to the hospital by a passage. Patients in the hospital may be placed on the operating carriage, transferred by elevator to the sub-basement level, then wheeled through this passage into the amphitheater where the necessary operation may be performed in full view of doctors and students.

It is in this amphitheater that Dr. Lane on January 2nd 1895, the day following the public reception, performed an operation and delivered a brief address to mark the formal opening of the hospital for the care of patients. The event was intended primarily for the students and faculty of Cooper Medical College, but other physicians were cordially welcomed.

Dr. Levi Cooper Lane (1828-1902) in surgical amphitheater at Cooper Medical College with Adolph Barkan (1845-1935) and Richard H. Plummer (1840-1899)

see larger image »

A photo of Dr. Levi Cooper Lane (1828-1902)  in surgical amphitheater over a patient on table with Adolph Barkan (1845-1935) and Richard H. Plummer (1840-1899)

The subject of the operation, Patrick O'Neill, seemed rather pleased than otherwise at being the object of so much attention. Dr. Lane had previously removed a cancerous growth from O'Neill's left cheek, and the present operation was to demonstrate the possibilities of plastic surgery in the cosmetic repair of the residual deformity.

After the operation was finished and Dr. Lane had removed his blood-stained over-garments, he spoke of the hospital and his hopes for it. Primarily addressing the medical students, he recalled how the ancient Greeks and Romans, whose literature he freely read in the original and often quoted, would, on the eve of an important undertaking, consult an oracle or offer sacrifice to conciliate the Deity of Good Fortune. Or would sometimes, in place of rude sacrifice or burnt offering, substitute an eloquent address that fired the listeners' hearts and spurred some noble action.

At this inaugural Lane chose the latter course and, in his opening remarks, revealed his personal aspirations by quoting Isocrates (436-338 B. C.), famed Athenian orator and rhetorician: "Think how illustrious it is to exchange this mortal and fragile body for deathless renown and, with the few years of life which yet remain to us, to purchase that celebrity which will endure through the ages."[6]

Continuing in the inspirational vein, Lane urged remembrance of the ancient wisdom of Hippocrates, particularly his advice for the doctor who enters the bed chamber of the sick:

On entering the room be careful in your manner of sitting; be reserved; appear in proper attire; be serious and use brevity in speech; have cool self-command, which cannot be disturbed; be diligent and industrious in the presence of the patient; use care; if the patient objects to what is being done for him, listen carefully, and answer objections properly; never lose your self-possession in the presence of an unexpected act or contingency; be prompt to meet and repress any disturbing emergency; always have a good will to do that which is to be done. And above all things, remember that nothing is to be omitted that can be of benefit to the patient..

Take special care also to embrace the new medical sciences which have in our day grasped little beams of light and bent them into keys which open the chambers where the causes of disease are hidden. Remember, too, that the wards of this hospital will furnish countless opportunities for the solution of great problems as yet unsolved if, in your practice of the Art, you maintain that painstaking observation and accuracy that brought crowns of glory to such Geniuses of Discovery as Edward Jenner, Louis Pasteur and Robert Koch.

Routine tasks have deep import, Lane said. Among the duties of the interne, an important one is to make a careful record of the cases treated here. Such record does two things; the chief one is that it insures careful work; for thus the information is committed to the pages of history. There it will be legible to many eyes. He will work the best and with the fewest faults, who knows that each act will be delivered to open, unchanging record. A second purpose of such record is, that it gathers facts, which become an addition to the general fund of medical knowledge.

The goal which has inspired the erection of Lane Hospital is two-fold in character; one great object is to furnish the medical student the opportunity of pursuing his studies to the greatest possible advantage, and of fitting himself properly for his future vocation. The other is to assure that he will see medical and surgical art practiced with that excellence which will serve him as a future model for guidance and imitation.

If thoughtful care, vigilant attention, and trained skill be needed for the cure of the sick, they are not all. They will be sadly defective if they are not reinforced by another great quality - sympathy. Sympathy, like the quality of Mercy, "is twice blessed. It blesses him that gives and him that takes." I often recall what was said to me once by a lady, who for months was overburdened and worn by attention to an invalid parent: "It is my daily prayer that I may not become impatient and falter in my duty to my mother." Sympathetic care goes far in the cure of a patient. A harsh word, a petulant answer,

or a frown in reply to some question or request of the patient, cuts more keenly than

a surgeon's knife; and such petulance and impatience may fatally reinforce a lingering disease.

Briefly summed up, the cardinal qualities necessary for the successful management of our hospital, are good heads, good hearts, and willing hands; and a determination on the part of each attendant to do superior work, and a fixed resolve to live and labor in harmony with his fellow workmen. All thus doing their duty, the work done will represent a picture, in which is portrayed a legion of busy laborers bearing a standard, inscribed with the words: Self-sacrifice and Humanity; and such a picture will realize the donor's hope, chiseled in marble at the threshold of this edifice, that the Healing Art may here be given an opportunity for the exercise of its humane skill, and that suffering Humanity may here find refuge and relief from affliction.

Thus, with unostentatious proceedings and a simple homily, reflecting his ideals and beneficence, Dr. Lane inaugurated the crowning stage of his grand design for Cooper Medical College. Not only had he by 1895 created through foresight and philanthropy the essential elements of the first academic medical center in the West, but his moral and professional leadership in the following years shaped a resolute medical culture devoted to medical progress, educational reform and his memory.

Mrs. Lane

We have referred repeatedly to the significant contributions of Mrs. Lane to the planning and construction of Lane Hospital, but we have had few inklings of the private life of this gifted woman whose encouragement and assistance meant so much to her intense and studious husband. Therefore, when we came upon a reference to her personal affairs, published in the San Francisco Morning Call for 14 June 1891 at the height of the planning for Lane Hospital, we were pleased to transcribe it here.[7]

The Call's Gallery

The Call's Gallery,
Ladies Well Known in San Francisco Society

Mrs. L. C. Lane is a lady of fine literary taste and much ability as a writer. She is the wife of Dr. Lane, whose active life as a physician and surgeon in this city has made his name a household word, and whose many benefactions in regard to the Cooper Medical College have endeared him to a great throng of appreciative people. Before her marriage to Dr. Lane the lady who is now his wife devoted herself largely to educational pursuits and to literary work. Therefore, she could bring to the doctor an intelligent and a loving interest in what he had elected to make his life work.

Not only that, but Mrs. Lane posses the happy faculty of drawing around her a set of clever, intellectual men and women, and her reception-night salons are visited by some of the brightest minds and the leading thinkers on this Coast. One is sure there to meet the deepest logicians, the brightest conversationalists and the most talented musicians. And there is no doubt about it, Mrs. Lane is an ideal hostess, moving about among her guests with that ease and grace of manner that makes all feel perfectly at home and in a thoroughly enjoyable way. Among those who may be found around the Lane hearthstone on these delightful evenings may be mentioned Miss Cordelia Kirkland, Mrs. L. L. White, Robert Tolmie, John Hittell, Mr. and Mrs. A. L Bancroft and many others who represent the intellectual side of San Francisco society.

Dr. and Mrs. Lane spent some time abroad, and the account of their travels was published in book form as a series of letters written by Mrs. Lane, who is a keen observer and splendid descriptive writer. These were given to her appreciative friends in lieu of the personal letters which she did not have time to write while she was abroad. Another literary venture took the shape of translations from the German, and was composed of a number of touching little tales of the Fatherland. Owing to her complete familiarity with the German language, and her knowledge of pure idiomatic English, Mrs. Lane was able to render these in a charming manner, preserving not only the ideas, but the true spirit of the original.

The residence of the Lanes in the Western Addition is a beautiful place, throughout which evidences of Mrs. Lane's fine taste and good housekeeping are to be seen on every side. In personal appearance Mrs. Lane is about the medium height, inclined to be stout, and with a round face that is adorned with wavy locks brought down over the brow. Her manner is bright, sprightly, yet dignified, cordial, and in her own home the very beau ideal of hospitality.

The Hopkins Connection

We have previously referred to the major influence of Johns Hopkins Medical School on Cooper Medical College and its successor, Stanford Medical School. We can now suggest that the origin of this important relationship dates from Dr. Lane's visit to hospitals in the Atlantic states during the early 1890's. Although he does not specifically mention having at that time visited Hopkins in Baltimore, Maryland, we can be reasonably sure that he did. There are several interesting reasons why he must have done so.

First, the 400-bed Hopkins Hospital, thirteen years in the building and widely recognized as the epitome of hospital design and construction, was an ideal model for Lane to inspect.

Second, among Dr. Lane's memoirs we find carefully preserved copies of the Baltimore American for the 7th and 8th of May 1889 which lavishly report the Dedication of the Hopkins Hospital on the 7th and its Formal Opening for patients on the 8th. The paper carried full-page articles on each date, replete with representative floor plans and flat scale drawings of the front and back of the impressive buildings. The May 8th edition of the Baltimore American also carried the full text of a comprehensive address delivered at the opening of the Hospital. The address was entitled "The Plans and Purposes of the Johns Hopkins Hospital" and it was delivered by Lane's old friend, Dr. John Shaw Billings, who had intensively researched and meticulously planned the building.[8][9]

As to the background of Dr John Shaw Billings(1838-1913), he was a Medical Officer with the rank of Colonel in the U. S. Army who served with distinction in the Civil War, and later became Librarian of the Surgeon General's Office and father of the Index Medicus. He was chosen in 1876 by the Trustees of the Johns Hopkins Fund as Medical Advisor on construction of the Hospital. He was greatly admired by Dr. Lane and we have already told how in 1885 Drs. Lane and Billings were both offended by the political maneuvers of Dean Cole.[10]

We should recall that Johns Hopkins University was founded in 1876; that the Johns Hopkins Hospital was not completed until thirteen years later in 1889; and that the Medical School was not organized until four years later in October 1893. The freshman class numbered 18 students, three of whom were women. We now look back on the opening of the Hopkins Medical School as an historic event, but at the time there were no formal dedicatory exercises such as are usually planned for such occasions. President Gilman did host a special reception for the entering students and delivered a welcoming address. Memorable features of the school's academic program were: admission requirement of an A. B. degree from Johns Hopkins University or the equivalent; admission of women on the same basis as men; and a four years' course of instruction for the M. D. degree. Memorable also were the faculty which included the comparatively young Drs. William Osler (Medicine), William Halsted (Surgery), Howard Kelly (Gynecology), and William Welch (Pathology) as Dean. These men pioneered the concept of the Academic Medical Center consisting of University Faculty (Clinician-Teacher-Investigators) in a University Hospital.[11][12]

While the medical schools in San Francisco and nationally were cautiously introducing certain of the measures advocated by reformers like Nathan Smith Davis, more advanced standards than those called for by the A. M. A. were immediately adopted at Hopkins under the leadership of President Gilman. He, like President Eliot at Harvard, insisted that American medical education should be "higher education" and that it was too important to be left to the practicing doctors. It was in large measure due to the influential examples of Harvard and Hopkins, coinciding as they did with the early manifestations of an epochal advance in medical science, that American universities assumed an increasingly active role in the direction of medical schools. We have seen that President Jordan of Stanford was in full sympathy with this evolving concept of medical education - and that Dr. Lane, in 1893, was not.

Board of Managers of Lane Hospital Established

President Lane called a special meeting of the Faculty of Cooper Medical College on 26 September 1894, three months before the opening date of the Hospital, in order to devise a plan for its operation. Two plans were presented, and from these the following principles were finally selected and adopted:[13]

Section 1. There shall be a Board of Hospital Managers, consisting of five members, to be nominated by a two-thirds vote of the Faculty, and appointed by the Board of Directors of Cooper Medical College. The Managers shall serve for one year. Said Board shall have complete control of all the affairs of the Hospital.

Section 2. The Board of Managers may create such administrative departments in the Hospital as to it seems best, placing the same in charge of sub-committees of Professors, Adjuncts or Assistants. It shall make quarterly reports to the Faculty.

The members of the first Board of Managers were Dr. Lane (President), Dr. Cushing (Vice President), Dr. Ellinwood (Secretary), Dr. Plummer and Mrs. Lane. Dr. Rixford was appointed to the Board of Managers on 29 January 1896 to replace Dr. Cushing.[14]

During the next twelve months the Board of Managers held fifty meetings and gave much time and thought to the work. They organized the hospital into its several departments, resulting in greater efficiency and improved services. The following are some of the familiar issues with which they dealt.[15]

A Steward was employed to act as the Executive Officer of the Board with the main duty to order, receive and account for supplies of all kinds needed by the hospital, with the proviso that he was "to do and execute only such work and perform such functions as the Board shall direct."

A House Staff of three members was authorized.

One Resident Physician - On duty in hospital 7 am to 12 noon and 1 to 5 p.m., and subject to call at night.

Two Interns - On duty 6 am to 12 noon and 1 to 5 PM, and always one in the hospital overnight subject to call.

The Resident Physician and Interns served without salary but received board and lodging in the hospital.

Duties of the Resident Physician were professional in character and not administrative. His assignments were to:

  • Attend the members of the Visiting Staff in making their visits and at surgical operations when required, and execute such directions relating to their patients as they may give him.
  • Attend to all emergency cases occurring in or brought into the hospital, and report all such cases promptly to the Board of Managers.
  • Make a morning and evening visit to all patients occupying beds in the hospital and render such professional service at other times as may be required.
  • Instruct and direct the interns in their duties as his assistants in applying splints and dressings and in executing the orders of the Visiting Staff

Another stipulation was that the Resident Physician and Interns must, in the interest of a quiet environment, wear rubber-heeled shoes while on duty in the hospital.

Superintendent of Lane Hospital

On 5 October 1898, the Board of Managers established the position of Superintendent of Lane Hospital in order to maintain better control over the operation of the institution. The numerous duties of the new post included "a general supervision and direction of each and every department of the hospital." It was decided that a member of the Board of Managers would be elected every six months to serve as Superintendent for a six-month period. The rotating superintendence proved to be an inefficient arrangement and was discontinued after a year or two. On 1 October 1902 a search for a Superintendent was finally authorized but nothing came of it during the remaining four years of the Board's existence. The Minutes of its last meeting are dated 14 June 1906.[16][17]

It was not until 1912 that a Hospital Superintendent was finally appointed. At its first meeting, convened on 5 May 1911, the newly established Clinical Committee of the Medical Faculty of Stanford University recommended (1) that a Physician Superintendent of Lane Hospital be employed and (2) that Dr. George B. Somers be offered the position. These recommendations were approved by the Stanford Board of Trustees and, in 1912, Dr. Somers was appointed Physician Superintendent and Executive Officer in charge, under the Clinical Committee, of managing the Lane Hospital and other medical school facilities in San Francisco.[18][19]

Dr. Somers, who had received an A. B. degree from Harvard in 1886 and an M. D. from Cooper Medical College in 1888, was Professor of Gynecology in Cooper Medical College when the College merged with Stanford in 1912. Upon accepting the appointment as Physician Superintendent of Lane Hospital, he received a further appointment as Clinical Professor of Gynecology in the Medical Department of Stanford University. He held both appointments until he retired 14 years later; that is, to the end of the 1925-1926 academic year.

Dr. Somers, in his role as Physician Superintendent of Lane Hospital, was a staunch supporter of its Training School for Nurses. This is an opportune juncture at which to recognize the vital contribution of nurses and the Nursing School to Lane Hospital from its first day of operation.

Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses

When the Board of Managers of Lane Hospital was organized in October 1894, several months prior to the opening of the Hospital for patients on January 2nd, it was obvious to the Members that well-trained nurses were indispensable to its proper operation. They also rapidly learned that there were no such nurses in San Francisco. As a temporary expedient, when the hospital opened, they hired practical nurses; that is, women with some prior on-the-job experience. To these women Lane Hospital offered a three-month probationary appointment with-out salary. If performance was satisfactory, they were then paid $10 per month for the remainder of a two-year period. The position of Head Nurse was the most difficult to fill. The terms of employment were a three-month probationary appointment without salary and, if satisfactory, $ 35-40 per month for the remainder of two years. Attrition among these practical nurses was very high and proved to be a vexing deterrent to the efficient operation of the new hospital. This continued to be the case until, within a remarkably few years, the Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses began to provide nurses whose personal and professional attributes, and devoted service, are still recalled with admiration and affection. by the Nursing School's alumnae.[20]

The Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses was inaugurated by Mrs. Lane in 1895 soon after the opening of the hospital, and was but one of her many significant contributions to the farsighted and generous designs of her husband. The program might justly have been named the Pauline C. Lane School of Nursing. Possibly events moved too fast for such recognition to be accorded her, or perhaps she refused the honor as she had when Dr. Lane wished to dedicate the hospital to her.

From the School's inception, its students and later its graduates provided nursing services that earned the hospital a reputation for proficient and compassionate patient care.

Thirty-one students enrolled in the first class of the Training School in 1895. It was desired, but not required, that entering students present a high school diploma. All successful applicants were women. Country girls were preferred for they were thought to have greater endurance. The first five months of the two-year training program were considered a probationary period. The students, wearing uniforms designed by Mrs. Lane, worked in the hospital seven days a week and were on duty at least twelve hours a day. If the patient load was light, they were occasionally allowed a half day off. Two weeks' vacation were given during the two year training period. Student nurses were provided lodging, meals and laundry in the hospital, and there was no tuition.

Miss Clara DeForest, graduate of the Class of 1900 and able Historian of the Nursing School, recalled the rigorous working conditions: " I have heard nurses say, 'What a stupid group of women in the past, to work such long hours. They were just exploited by the hospital.' Not so! Everyone had longer hours in those days. I think they were a brave and courageous group of women, and we stand on their shoulders, reaching up and out to the future of nursing."[21]

During the early years of the School there were no trained nurses to serve as nursing instructors. Senior students held Head Nurse positions and were responsible for teaching nursing skills to younger students. For example, Miss Maude Copeland, who came to California for her health and entered the Lane Nursing School as a student in 1895, was at once assigned the position of Acting Head Nurse by virtue of her having previously spent several months at the Massachusetts General Hospital. Doctors from the Faculty gave an intensive course of lectures on a wide range of medical subjects. The sessions were held in the evenings when the nursing students were so tired and sleepy from long hours on duty that they often found it difficult to stay awake.

Miss Copeland, given credit for her prior nursing experience at the MGH, was awarded a diploma in 1896 after only one year in training, making her the first graduate of the Lane Hospital Training School. During the same year, twenty-seven students were admitted but the class was decreased due to the resignation of eighteen students.

The first graduation exercises of the School took place in 1897 on the evening of the 17th of March. The ceremony was held in the Hospital Library which had been carefully planned and beautifully furnished under the direction of Mrs. Lane. The Graduating Class of six young women, and their friends and families, heard an address by the President of the Board of Managers, Dr. L. C. Lane, who spoke with feeling of the honor of the nurses' calling and of the duties and responsibilities assumed by one entering the profession.

Mrs. Lane then presented to each member of the Graduating Class a pin of her design consisting of a gold shield, bearing in its center a Red Cross and above, in white enamel, the name of Lane Hospital Training School. As she presented each pin, henceforth the official "Badge of the Training School," she made a few happy and personal remarks appropriate to the character of the graduate. These touching tributes to the sincerity and zeal with which the young women had entered upon their life's work were printed in the Commencement Program for their future encouragement and reflection.

In concluding the Commencement exercises, Mrs. Lane gave the following charge to the Class[22]

Lane Hospital has now conferred upon you the symbol of the Order of your chosen calling - the Shield and the Cross - the one to protect you in any danger to which your fortunes may call you; the other a key to open to you scenes secret and sacred as is the Holy of Holiest. May no danger, bodily, spiritual or moral, ever be stronger than your shield; may no cross more painful than this be yours; may you never have to carry within your breasts a cross you may not wear upon them.

As an indication of how rapidly graduates of the Nursing School were pressed into leadership roles, we can mention that Mrs. Fanny Caroline Liesy was, directly upon her graduation in the Class of 1897, appointed Superintendent of Nurses and Principal of the Training School at a salary of $ 40 per months. Later in the year, diplomas were awarded to two additional nurses bringing the total graduates of the Nursing School in 1897 to eight.

1897 was also a banner year for the Hospital on grounds other than Nursing, as President Lane pointed out in his Annual Report for the year to the Directors of the College:[23]

Lane Hospital has had a successful career during 1897; the number of patients treated was an increase upon that of 1896. Its income has been sufficient for its maintenance and the professional service rendered the patients has been of a high order. The Hospital is acquiring celebrity in the treatment of affections of the ear and eye and grave surgical diseases. The work done by Drs.. Barkan, Cushing and Rixford merit laudable mention.

The instrumental outfit of both the College and Hospital has received important additions during the year: an Xray apparatus has been introduced into the hospital, and several important appliances have been purchased for the chair of physiology.

The fiscal condition of the College is satisfactory.

(Xrays were discovered by Wilhelm Konrad Röntgen of Würzburg, Germany, while experimenting with a Crookes tube in 1895. Only two years later Lane Hospital purchased Xray equipment for clinical use.)[24]

In 1899 the nurses were moved from Lane Hospital to a "Nurses Home" in an old and leaky building on Clay street adjacent to the hospital. This was the site where Stanford Hospital was later constructed.[25]

The Board of Managers of the Hospital decided that on 1 January 1902 the Nurses' Training Course would be extended to three years, and that the third year's service would be compensated for at the rate of $10 per month.

By 1903 there was an average daily census of ninety-three patients in Lane Hospital; there were from fifty to sixty student nurses involved in their care; and the number of interns had been increased to four.[26][27]

In 1908 the teaching staff of the School of Nursing included the following four graduate nurses:

  • Superintendent of Nurses
  • Assistant Superintendent of Nurses
  • Head Nurse of the Operating Department
  • Head Nurse of the Obstetrics Department

The positions of Night Supervisor and Head Nurse on the patient care units continued to be filled by student nurses. As the years passed, the rigorous work-schedule of the nurses was gradually eased and the teaching staff increased.

Unidentified persons in operating room

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A photo of an unidentified medical persons working on a patient in an operating room

Drs. Rufus Lee Rigdon (1859?-1936), Peck, and Vastal; and Clara DeForest and Clark

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A group photo of Drs. Rufus Lee Rigdon (1859?-1936), Peck, and Vastal; and Clara DeForest and Clark

In 1908 some much needed enlargements and improvements in Lane Hospital were made, increasing its capacity from one hundred to one hundred and eighty beds. Also new laboratories were established for clinical pathology and for photography and actinography.

In 1909 there were twenty nurses in the graduating class and, reflecting new relations between Stanford and the School of Medicine, David Starr Jordan, President of the University, gave the Nursing Commencement Address in Lane Hall and Dean Gibbons conferred the diplomas.[28]

In 1912 the average daily occupancy of the one hundred eighty hospital beds was one hundred and twenty patients for an occupancy rate of 67 %. Charge per day for a Ward was $ 2,50. Private beds ranged from $ 3.50 to $ 8.00 per day. Eighty student nurses were matriculated in the Training School and diplomas were awarded to 11 graduates.[29][30]

Nursing School Joins Stanford

On 1 July 1912, Cooper Medical College, Lane Hospital and Lane Nursing School, became an integral part of Stanford University. The hospital was thereafter a University Hospital under control of the Clinical Committee of the Medical Department of Stanford University. Members of the first Clinical Committee were the following:[31]

Clinical Committee

  • Chairman: Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur, Executive Head of the Medical Department
  • Secretary: Dr. George B. Somers, Physician Superintendent of Lane Hospital
  • Member: Dr. William Ophüls, Professor of Pathology and Secretary of the Faculty
  • Member: Dr. Stanley Stillman, Professor of Surgery
  • Member: Dr. Alfred B. Spalding, Professor of Obstetrics and Gynecology

As the new Physician Superintendent of Lane Hospital, recently appointed by the Clinical Committee, Dr. Somers made a comprehensive First Annual Report to that Committee for the year ending 30 June 1912. His Report included an outline of the program of the Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses.

Nursing care in Lane Hospital, from its opening in 1895 to its incorporation into the University in 1912, was provided almost entirely by the students and graduates of its Nursing School, and to the full satisfaction of patients and physicians. This extraordinary record was due to the commitment and endless toil of the young women who graduated from the school during that period. In recognition of their outstanding service Somers listed all their names in his First Annual Report. The number of graduates annually was derived from that list and summarized in the following table:[32]

Graduates of the Nurses Training School
1896 - 11902 - 131908 - 16
1897 - 81903 - 291909 - 20
1898 - 101904 - 01910 - 18
1899 - 141905 - 111911 - 16
1900 - 61906 - 181912 - 11
1901 - 151907 - 11
Total Graduates, 1896-1912 = 217

Dr. Somers concluded his memorandum transmitting the First Annual Report of Lane Hospital to the Clinical Committee with the following significant recommendation:[33]

One of the greatest needs of Lane Hospital is a new home for nurses. The number of nurses in training has rapidly grown and has now reached a size where the present quarters are inadequate. They give three years of the best part of their lives to institutional work and when trained, become a valuable asset to any community to which they may offer their services. The training of nurses should receive generous support from the public. There is no more worthy philanthropy than the encouragement of this work. Lane Hospital urgently needs a modern fireproof building large enough to accommodate one hundred nurses.

In 1912 the name of the Nursing School was changed to Stanford School for Nurses, later to Stanford School of Nursing, and finally to Stanford University School of Nursing.[34]

On 24 June 1916, work began on the foundation of a new facility to be known as Stanford Hospital. In due course we shall return to the subject of this new construction and will at that point further trace the development of the School of Nursing.

Until then we will revert to 1895 and resume our generally chronological account of the main events related to Cooper Medical College.

Lane Course of Medical Lectures

At a meeting of the Board of Directors of Cooper Medical College on 26 August 1895, President Lane stated that he desired to present to the Board a matter which he had long had in contemplation. He was pleased to announce had now been perfected a plan to found and endow a Special Course of Lectures in the Cooper Medical College to be known as the "The Lane Course of Medical Lectures," and to be delivered by some eminent authority in medicine at the beginning of each regular term of the College.[35]

The Courses were to be clearly distinguished from the annual series of Lane (Popular) Lectures to which we have already referred. Dr. Lane outlined the format and endowment of the Lane Courses of Medical Lectures as follows.[36]

The lectures are to be not less than ten in number, and to be delivered annually in Cooper Medical College, as near the beginning of the Regular term as circumstances will permit, and to be known as "The Lane Course of Medical Lectures"; the lecturer to be an eminent authority in Medicine, and during the life-time of the founder to be selected by himself, and after his death, should his wife survive him, to be chosen by her; and after her death the selection to be made by the corporate authorities of Cooper Medical College; the lectures to be given in English and their subject to be any matter within the range of Medical Science and Art, said subject matter to be determined by the governing authorities of Cooper Medical College. The lectures are to remain the private property of the lecturer for publication if he so desires, but are not to be delivered elsewhere.

The permanent endowment is to be two thousand dollars a year, the whole of which is to go to the lecturer.

President Lane then stated, that through the offices of Professor Adolph Barkan, of the Faculty of Cooper College, who is now in Europe, Professor William Macewen of Glasgow, Scotland, has been secured as the lecturer for the year 1896, at which time the Course will be initiated.

Director Ellinwood thereupon moved the following resolution, which, on being duly seconded, was unanimously adopted:

Whereas, Dr. Levi Cooper Lane has founded and pecuniarily provided for the perpetual maintenance of a course of lectures to be given annually in Cooper Medical College at an endowment of two thousand dollars a year; and whereas, the founder of this course has selected Professor William Macewen, M. D., of Glasgow, Scotland, to initiate the course of 1896;

Now therefore, Resolved, that Professor Macewen be, and he hereby is, respectfully requested to accept the aforesaid selection, and to deliver the course of lectures for the year 1896 in Cooper Medical College pursuant to said selection.

Director Taylor then moved the following resolution, which, on being duly seconded, was, by him put, and thereupon adopted:

Be it Resolved, as the sense of this Board, that Dr. L. C. Lane, in the foundation and endowment reported by him to the Board this evening, has added additional proof of his munificence and wisdom in the cause of medical education, and has thereby furnished still further assurance of the permanency of the life of Cooper Medical College.

The first Lane Course of Medical Lectures began in Lane Hall on 14 September 1896. As arranged by Dr. Barkan, the guest lecturer was Dr. William Macewen, Regius Professor of Surgery in the University of Glasgow, Scotland. During the lecture week in San Francisco, Professor Macewen, a tall, spare man with short-cropped beard and extraordinarily brilliant blue eyes, was the house guest of Dr. Barkan . Two weeks later Dr. Lane gave his impressions of the Course to the Board of Directors.[37][38]

Sir William Macewen (1848-1924) with Adolph Barkan (1845-1935), Stanley Stillman (1861-1935). Levi Cooper Lane (1828-1902), Joseph Oakland Hirschfelfer (1854-1920) demonstrating Macewen's triangle

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A group photo of Sir William Macewen (1848-1924) with Adolph Barkan (1845-1935), Stanley Stillman (1861-1935).  Levi Cooper Lane (1828-1902),  Joseph Oakland Hirschfelfer (1854-1920) demonstrating Macewen's triangle

The subject selected for the Course was "Surgery of the Brain." Professor Macewen delivered five masterly lectures on surgical anatomy in relation to neurological function, based almost entirely on his original research. The lectures were models of excellence in every particular and were listened to with "reverent attention" by the students and Faculty of Cooper Medical College, and by a large number of physicians, some of whom came from long distances, even from the states of Oregon and Nevada. In addition to those on Surgery of the Brain, Professor Macewen delivered other lectures and performed two operations in the amphitheater of Lane Hospital, one for correction of genu valgum (knock-knee), another being the so-called mastoid operation.

Dr. Lane also remarked that Professor, later Sir William, Macewen' s attractive personality greatly endeared him to students, Faculty and friends of Cooper College. In summary, Dr. Lane was highly gratified with the Course which "completely satisfied the purpose which was contemplated in the foundation of The Lane Course of Medical Lectures."

Drs. Rufus Lee Rigdon (1859?-1936), Peck, and Vastal; and Clara DeForest and Clark

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A photo of Adolph Barkan (1845-1935), Sir William MacEwen  (1848-1924), Stanley Stillman (1861-1935) in a horse drawn carriage

Endowment of the Lane Course of Medical Lectures

When he inaugurated the Course in 1896, Dr. Lane erected a marble slab in Lane Hall describing the lectures and closing with the words "founded and endowed by Levi Cooper Lane." Dr. Rixford described the manner in which the Courses were funded prior to the merger with Stanford:[39]

Unfortunately, in the matter of endowment, Dr. Lane's fortune was for the most part invested in unproductive real estate; the money he had in the bank he dared not deplete, for his health began rapidly to fail and his earning power in his profession to dwindle, and he and Mrs. Lane needed the income of this fund to live upon. He therefore postponed setting aside a definite sum for the endowment of the lectures but paid the honorarium annually out of his pocket. But after his death and that of Mrs. Lane, the College had no funds which might be used for this honorarium. It was paid one year by Mrs. Lane and the three following years by Dr. Ellinwood, President of the College, who had received two-thirds of Mrs. Lane's estate. On his refusing to continue this payment or to make effectual the endowment of the lectures, they ceased, but were resumed after the union of the College with Stanford in accordance with the following arrangement.

When Cooper College was conveyed to Stanford University, the Trustees granted the Directors of the College the privilege of determining to what purposes the reserve funds of the College should be put. Until the union with Stanford University had been effected these reserve funds had been jealously guarded as furnishing an income to offset the annual deficit occurred in the running of the College, but under the University support the funds were not needed for this purpose. The Directors of Cooper College therefore made a number of much needed improvements in Lane Hospital and set aside $20,000 for the endowment of the Lane Medical Lectures, which would presumably give an income sufficient to furnish the honorarium for a course of lectures each second year.

On 30 October 1908, when the Board of Directors of Cooper Medical College were negotiating the transfer of the assets of the College to Leland Stanford Junior University , the Board of Trustees of the University adopted the following policy for the perpetual endowment of the Lane Course of Medical Lectures:[40][41]

Whereas, The Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University heretofore in a resolution adopted on the 30th day of October, 1908, stated , among other things, "And it is further resolved that such Trustees will maintain a perpetual fund for the maintenance of the Lane Medical Lectures, not to exceed fifty thousand dollars ($50,000), out of the moneys which may be transferred to said Trustees for said purpose";

And whereas, the Directors of Cooper Medical College have offered to transfer to The Board of Trustees of Leland Stanford Junior University the following School Bonds of the City and County of San Francisco, to-wit:

Twenty City and County of San Francisco 5% School Bonds dated July 1, 1908, par value $1,000 each, interest payable January and July first, maturing July 1926, and numbered from 2401 to 2420, both inclusive; the same or the proceeds therefrom, if sold by said Board or if said bonds be redeemed, to constitute the corpus of the endowment fund for said course of lectures;

Now therefore, it is resolved, that the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University accept said offer;

And be it further resolved that said bonds and the proceeds therefrom be used as a perpetual fund for the maintenance of a course of medical lectures; said fund to be known as the "Lane Medical Lecture Fund", and said course of lectures to be known as the Lane Medical Lectures";

And be it further resolved that any moneys which may be donated, or which may be appropriated for the purpose of said lectures be added to said fund;

And be it further resolved that the lectures be given in the Medical Department of said University in San Francisco biennially, or at such lesser periods of time as the Trustees may determine, and as the income of the fund may permit; the medical profession to be invited to attend, and the lecturer to be an eminent authority in Medicine or in a science cognate thereto, and to be nominated by the medical faculty of the University and not a resident of the State of California;

And whereas it has been suggested that the honorarium heretofore paid to the lecturer has always been two thousand dollars;

Be it further resolved, that until the further determination of said Trustees, such amount be fixed as the honorarium to be paid.

In other words, on 30 October 1908 the Board of Trustees of Stanford University accepted $20,000 in San Francisco School Bonds from the Directors of Cooper Medical College and agreed that these Bonds and the proceeds therefrom would be used as a perpetual fund, to be known as the "Lane Medical Lecture Fund," for the maintenance of the Lane Lectures. The Fund still exists as an endowment for the Lectures and the earnings from the invested principle are used to support the Lectures.

Financial Status of Lane Medical Lecture Fund

In mid 1995, the invested principle of the Lane Medical Lecture Fund had a market value of $238,000 and the income from the invested principle was about $12,000 annually. At that time the Fund also had a cash reserve of $187,000 held in the expendable funds pool of the University where it is invested at the rate of a few percentage points.[42]

A century has passed since Dr. Lane founded the Lane Course of Medical Lectures and forty Courses have been given thus far. The interval between Courses has varied but they have usually been held every second or third year, with lecturers chosen by a Faculty committee. The last Course was in 1991.[43]

In the declining years of his life, Dr. Lane chose two special ventures near to his heart for endowment - the Lane Course of Medical Lectures, and the Lane Medical Library. These two remarkable enterprises have proven to be the most enduring memorials to his vision and devotion to learning. It is to the Library that we will now turn our attention.

Lane Medical Library

We have already noted that Dr. Rixford was appointed Librarian to the College's small collection of books in 1895, and was made Professor of Surgery in 1898. The following are paraphrased excerpts from his recollections of the early years of Lane Library:[44][45][46]

Previous to 1895 there were several sporadic and poorly successful attempts to gather an appropriate collection of medical books for use of the Cooper College students. Members of the Faculty contributed from their private libraries and the College bought a few books. In 1898, thanks to gifts of $100 each from Drs. Barkan and Hirschfelder, books on pathology and physiology were purchased. With this stimulus and the energetic management of Dr. Rixford, the library began to grow vigorously.

A system of exchange was inaugurated; the State Library at Sacramento was invaded and some of its duplicates were bought; older practitioners were importuned to contribute their accumulations of pamphlets, journals, and current periodicals. A number of Eastern medical libraries gave very material assistance by contributing an occasional box of books - notably the Library of the New York Academy of Medicine and the Boston Medical Library. The Library of the Surgeon General's Office, perhaps the greatest collection of medical literature in the country at the time, receiving as it did a vast quantity of duplicate material, permitted librarians of struggling libraries to take what they needed from their duplicates. On each of several visits to Washington Dr. Rixford spent a day or so rummaging in the store room and digging out many useful books, reports, transactions and old periodicals which were transported to the College Library.

During all this time Dr. Lane apparently paid little attention to the College library beyond contributing occasionally a few books, among them a set of the Index Catalogue of the Library of the Surgeon General's Office. Thus Dr. Rixford's astonishment knew no bounds when, one evening in 1898, Dr. Lane summoned him to his house. Dr. Lane announced that he and Mrs. Lane had just made their wills and wanted Dr. Rixford to be one of the witnesses thereto. Dr. Lane then gave him a resume of the provisions of their wills, saying that it was their desire that the residue of their property should be devoted to the purposes of a Medical Library. The will provided that upon the death of Dr. Lane his entire estate would go to Mrs. Lane. Upon her death, she would leave one-third of the entire estate "to Cooper Medical College for the purposes of a Medical Library and a special library building therefor," one-third being all of an estate which, under the law of the State of California, could be conveyed by will to a corporation or for charitable purposes." The remaining two-thirds were left to the then President of the College.

With their minds settled on the building of a medical library as the ultimate disposition of their remaining resources, and their wills drawn to assure the funding, Dr. and Mrs. Lane engaged the architectural firm of Wright and Saunders which had planned the College Buildings and the Lane Hospital. Their instructions to the architects were to design a monumental edifice in the classical tradition, with the appurtenances and compass of a great medical library. The Lane's were confident that the totality of their assets would provide for this fitting memorial to their lives. It was to be known as "The Hall of Esculapius."

We shall later return to the wills of Dr. and Mrs. Lane, and to the frustration of their noble designs by the treachery and greed of a Judas in their midst.

Faculty Affairs, 1895 - 1900

Oliver Peebles Jenkins, AB, AM, MS, PhD, was appointed Professor of Physiology at Leland Stanford Junior University in April 1891. He was among the first eight professors of the new university appointed on the recommendation of President Jordan. When Professor Jenkins generously offered his services to Cooper Medical College, the Faculty of the College were delighted to recommend his appointment as Acting Professor of Physiology in May of 1895. He began teaching on June 1st. Before the arrival of Professor Jenkins, the Physiology Course had been taught by Dr. Ellinwood who was without special qualifications in basic science and was serving as both Professor of Physiology and Acting Professor of Clinical Surgery at the time.[47][48][49][50]

From 1895 through the academic year 1900-1901, Professor Jenkins came from Palo Alto twice a week, giving a lecture and recitation course, and receiving no compensation beyond his traveling expenses. On his own initiative he established a Physiology Laboratory at Cooper College and the Faculty gave $500 for equipment. The Laboratory Course was at first optional but as practically all students took the Course, it was soon made compulsory. Professor Jenkins was replaced in 1901 by Acting and later full Professor of Physiology Walter E. Garrey, Ph. D., who served until 1909 when, the school now under the aegis of Stanford University, Professor Jenkins resumed his teaching of the course.

The appointment of Professor Jenkins as Acting Professor of Physiology at Cooper Medical College in 1895 inaugurated an era of momentous academic change in the College. Henceforth the teaching of the basic science disciplines would be increasingly the province of full-time teacher-investigators with advanced education and experience in their respective fields.

Ray Lyman Wilbur (1875-1949)

Ray Lyman Wilbur (1875-1949)

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A photo of Ray Lyman Wilbur (1875-1949)

Professor Jenkins made another significant contribution to Cooper Medical College by influencing one of his Stanford University students, Ray Lyman Wilbur, to attend the College.

The Wilbur antecedents in America were of English origin and among the earliest settlers in New England in the mid-1600s. Succeeding generations of Wilburs included both intrepid seafarers on the Atlantic and sturdy pioneers who joined the transcontinental migration to the Pacific Coast. Wilbur recalled the family's circumstances at his birth:[51]

From my very first day I showed my lack of superstition by being born on the 13th of April. The year happened to be 1875, and the place a town in Iowa called Boonesboro (later shortened to Boone). The fact that by the time I was born my family had traveled as far as Iowa in its westward trek rates me as a second-string pioneer, but I was still close to frontier conditions and continued to be so as we moved farther and father west. This westward migration of the Wilbur family shows . . .an American trend.

Ray's father was born in Mecca, Ohio, in 1839 and was the restless product of those stirring pioneer days. As the oldest of the eight children of a typically large pioneer family, he early learned the lessons of responsibility, self-reliance and enterprise. His mother, as was so often the case in the American family, was ambitious for her son to get an education. With her encouragement he worked his way through the Western Reserve Seminary at Farmington, Ohio, where he graduated in 1861. He then engaged in a series of unrewarding enterprises that stamped him as a man of uncertain fortune but unquenchable spirit. He taught school for a while; volunteered for the Union Army at the call of President Lincoln; was captured by Confederate General "Stonewall" Jackson at Harpers Ferry and came home a paroled prisoner of war. He then turned to the study of law and completed the law course at University of Michigan at Ann Arbor. After a wide search for a promising location to practice, he opened a law office in Boonesboro, Iowa, in 1866. In the same year he married Edna Maria Lyman. All of their six children - Ray Lyman Wilbur being the fourth - were born in Boonesboro.[52]

Ray's father soon found that there was not enough law business in the small Iowa community to interest him, so he turned to the opening of coal mines. In 1883, when the mines proved unprofitable, he moved the family to Jamestown in the Dakota Territory where he was general land agent for the Northern Pacific Railroad. He also established two law firms for handling the lands of the Railroad, and the loans stimulated by Jamestown's booming economy. The first crop from the raw Dakota prairies was buffalo bones, strewn far and wide, stark reminders of the wanton slaughter of the great herds. The bones were gathered up and sent by train loads for fertilizer. With cash from the crop of buffalo bones, the settler could get along until his first wheat crop came in. This wide expanse of fine wheat land was just being opened to homestead settlement. and was one of the great wheat frontiers of the country when the Wilburs arrived.

In spite of arctic winters and blistering summers, the life of the family during their four years in Jamestown was a happy one. But as businesses in the region began to fail due to drought and collapse of the economy, financial insecurity returned and Ray's father again set out in search of employment. In response to glowing accounts of California's climate and the opening up of new lands for orange orchards in Southern California, he left Jamestown for California in January 1887 to explore the possibility of settling there. Prospects looked brightest in the neighborhood of Riverside, California, and he sent for his wife and children. On the evening of September 7th, Ray's father met the family at the Riverside station, where they arrived by train from Jamestown. In reaching their new home, which was only a short distance from the station, they walked under magnificent pepper trees and palms and along open irrigation ditches running with the limpid waters of the San Bernadino Mountains. To a twelve year-old Dakota boy, this was paradise.[53]

Ray's father had the good fortune to arrive in Riverside at the time of an incipient boom. He was ideally prepared by profession and experience to take advantage of the business opportunities which arose where virgin lands were being transformed into productive orchards on a grand scale. Within a few years he was the President of the Board of Trade.[54]

So far as Ray was concerned, the Riverside experience was also that of a pioneer. The family moved out three miles east of town to a raw sagebrush patch and planted an orange orchard on the high ground. There he had first hand experience as a day laborer in making the desert productive. In due course he entered Riverside High School. For the most part California high schools were on a three-year basis, but Riverside was one of the early ones with a rigorous four-year program. When he graduated on 20 June 1892, his class was a small one. It consisted of three girls and five boys. Out of this class of eight, three went to Stanford University, including Ray himself.[55]

Years later, Dr. Wilbur was to suggest that the amazing speed with which our people swept from ocean to ocean and settled the wilderness between was due largely to the durable quality of the American family. Families cooperated and helped each other. It was all for one and one for all. They and their neighbors stood together. One of the more daring would thrust westward and establish a "beachhead," as it were. Then some of the relatives would follow. Such was the Wilbur experience and we may reasonably conclude that the supportive environment of Ray's extended family during his formative years fostered in him those qualities of sound judgment, integrity and leadership for which he later became well-known and highly respected.[56]

The future Doctor Wilbur was a lanky, self-possessed young man standing nearly six foot four. He entered Stanford University as a freshman in 1892, the second year of Stanford's existence. As we have already noted, he promptly made the acquaintance of Herbert Hoover who became a life-long friend and associate.

Wilbur received an A. B. degree with the Stanford Class of 1896, of which he was the student President. In pursuit of his primary interest in Physiology he took a postgraduate year (1896-1897) at Stanford under the continuing preceptorship of Professor Jenkins in whose laboratory he had worked as an undergraduate. In January 1896, at the second annual meeting of the California Science Association in Oakland, he made a report on the "Effects of Variation of Temperature on Muscle Irritability." On the basis of this and other work, he was awarded an A. M. degree at Stanford in 1897.[57]

While a Stanford student, Wilbur assisted Professor Jenkins in establishing the Physiology Laboratory and Course at Cooper Medical College. As a result of that experience, and the encouragement of Professor Jenkins, he decided to study medicine. He matriculated at Cooper Medical College in 1897; married Marguerite Blake on 5 December 1898; and was awarded an M. D. degree in 1899 (again he was the President of the Senior Class). After receiving his medical degree, he served as an extern at the San Francisco City and County Hospital for the year 1899-1900. During this period he was also an assistant in the medical clinic at Cooper Medical College and a member of the teaching staff as Lecturer on and Demonstrator of Physiology. These activities absorbed his whole day. In the evenings he kept an office hour from seven to eight o'clock at his home on Scott Street, but his private practice was light.[58]

Ray Lyman Wilbur (1875-1949) with unidentified persons

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A photo of Ray Lyman Wilbur (1875-1949) with unidentified colleagues standing over a skeletal remains

At the end of the year as an extern, Dr. Wilbur accepted the invitation from Professor Jenkins to return to the University in the fall of 1900 for a three year term as Assistant Professor of Physiology. By this return to University work he hoped to determine whether his bent was for basic science or for the practice of medicine. In addition to the teaching of physiology, Dr. Wilbur wished to continue doing research, picking up where he left off in getting his master's degree in 1897. There were several lines of investigation that he wished to pursue further. Therefore, in addition to settling down promptly to his assistant professorship, he registered as a graduate student for a doctor of philosophy degree in physiology, and started some projects.

Dr. Wilbur recalls the distractions he then encountered as a young physiologist who was also an able physician;[59]

Almost from the first, something happened which was merely a prelude to a series of interruptions of the schedule I had laid out for myself. I arrived on the Stanford campus in early September 1900 at noon (to take up my position in the Department of Physiology). The very next morning, so early that I had not yet gotten up, I was called by one of the professors to see his son, who was suffering rather violent abdominal pains. As there was no local hospital available, I had to rush the boy up to the Lane Hospital in San Francisco. We went up by train, there being no ambulances. Following an appendectomy by Dr. Rixford and a rather precarious after-period, the boy recovered.

The incident led to the discovery that I was the only medical man on the Stanford campus. Having started in to take care of that one patient, I found that the community soon began to call on me for all sorts of medical services. For the most part this did not interfere with my routine physiology work, but before long I was leading a double life, with practically full time in the laboratory and full time in medical practice, and without adequate facilities for practice or time for research work. I was seldom called away from the classroom or laboratory. One time, though, I did have to dismiss my class to go to a professor's child who had taken an overdose of laudanum. Fortunately I got there in time.

By January 1901, I had developed quite a practice. In addition, I was asked by President Jordan to fill the gap left by the resignation of Dr. Thomas Denison Wood as Professor of Hygiene and Organic Training and University Physician, and to supervise the health of the students and take on the medical responsibility insofar as the gymnasia were concerned. By February I had what ordinarily would be considered a well-developed medical practice, but I was still carrying on my University work. . . As I was accustomed to plenty of work, that did not disturb me particularly, but it did not advance my research. After a careful personal analysis, I came to the conclusion I did not have the peculiar quality that makes a high-grade research worker in physiology. Medicine rather than physiology looked to me as offering a much better opportunity for my talents as I judged them.

When I sent a letter to Dr. Jenkins . . .telling him that I had decided to give up my work in the physiology department and go definitely into medical practice, he replied: "I have been prepared for your making such a decision for some time, by various indications. While I believe you would have equally succeeded in the line in which you were at work here at Stanford, you will no doubt succeed in the line of practice, and a man best succeeds where his heart most lies. Personally I should be pleased if your choice fell on this community as your field of work."

Dr. Wilbur's First Trip to Europe, 1903-1904

Having decided to devote his career to medicine, Dr. Wilbur set about with characteristic zeal to prepare himself thoroughly for advanced work in the field. The favored means of acquiring such preparation being a period of study in Europe, Dr. and Mrs. Wilbur departed on their first trip abroad on 4 July 1903. They stopped first in London where Dr. Wilbur attended lectures and clinics in major medical schools and hospitals. He also spent a day at Oxford with Sir William Osler. While in England, Mrs. Wilbur gave birth to their second son, Dwight Locke Wilbur (later Clinical Professor of Medicine at Stanford).

In the fall of 1903, the Wilburs moved on to Germany , preeminent in Europe in medicine and medical science, where many American physicians and medical students came to study and observe. Dr. Wilbur's most memorable experience was in Frankfurt. There he served as a volunteer assistant in the chemistry laboratory of the distinguished Professor Paul Ehrlich (1854-1915), father of hematology and chemotherapy. Professor Ehrlich had just recorded Experiment No. 404 in his series of investigations that later led in Experiment No. 606 to the discovery of Salvarsan, an arsenic compound that proved to be the most effective agent in the treatment of syphilis at the time.[60]

As it seemed probable that he would spend a good deal of his time teaching Clinical Medicine, he arranged as many exposures as possible to the men who were at the top of that field in the various German medical schools. The fact that he had already had some active experience in medicine made every one of their presentations of absorbing interest to him.[61]

Dr. Wilbur's Second trip to Europe, 1909-1910

On return from Europe in 1904, Dr. Wilbur resumed his medical practice on the Stanford Campus and in the vicinity. Then, in 1909, he and Mrs. departed for a second year in Europe. They went directly to Munich and rented an apartment in the neighborhood of the University and Hospital where Dr. Wilbur spent most of his days for a number of months. He had arranged in advance to work in the clinic of Professor Friedrich von Müller who was a great clinician and outstanding teacher of medicine. Dr. Wilbur also registered for the winter semester in the University of Munich where he heard dramatic and informative lectures on psychiatry from Professor Kraepelin whose clinic on nervous and mental disorders he also attended. The skin clinics in Munich were especially valuable in providing abundant examples of skin disease, an experience which Dr. Wilbur augmented by going to Vienna for special courses in dermatology. In Vienna he also took a course in general pathology during which he tried to attend every autopsy in the hospital. He and Mrs. Wilbur returned from Europe late in 1910.[62]

Dr. Wilbur Appointed to Stanford Medical Faculty

In 1907 President Jordan and the Trustees of Stanford University decided to accept the gift of Cooper Medical College from the Board of Directors of the College and to convert the facilities in San Francisco to the Medical Department of Stanford University, a transaction that we shall later discuss in detail. When Dr. Wilbur departed in 1909 on his second trip to Europe for further study it was already with the understanding that upon his return he would be appointed Professor of Medicine and Executive Head of the new Medical Department of Stanford University.

Reflecting these arrangements Dr. Wilbur received the following sequence of appointments to the Stanford University Faculty:

  • Professor of Clinical Medicine (1908-1909)
  • Professor of Medicine (1909-1910; absent on leave)
  • Professor of Medicine (1910-1911; AOL, first semester)

Dr. Wilbur returned to active duty on 1 January 1911. On that date his appointment became Professor of Medicine and Executive Head (Dean) of the Medical Department of Stanford University. He served in these capacities until 1916 when he became President of the University. He was well prepared by temperament, training and experience for these responsibilities.[63][64]

William Ophüls (1871-1933)

A Search Committee of the Faculty was appointed to find a replacement for Dr. Albert Abrams, the Professor of Pathology whose performance had become distinctly questionable. On 18 April 1898 the Committee recommended and the Faculty approved the appointment of Dr. William Ophüls as Professor of Pathology and Bacteriology. The most notable aspect of this appointment was that he receive a salary of $1000 a year. This first appointment to the Faculty of a full-time salaried professor marked the advent of a new era in the academic standards of Cooper Medical College, and a significant step in the modernization of medical education on the Pacific coast.

Other provisions of Dr. Ophüls' appointment were that he not engage in the practice of medicine, but devote his entire time to Pathology and Bacteriology; that $500 be appropriated for the expenses of the Laboratory for the first year; that an additional intern be appointed to receive board and lodging at the Hospital and act as his Assistant; that, if mutually agreeable after a year's probation, he be elected Professor of Pathology and Bacteriology; and that, meanwhile, he be appointed to the position of Pathologist to Lane Hospital and Acting Professor of Pathology and Bacteriology in Cooper Medical College.[65]

These recommendations were approved and forwarded to the Board of Directors for final approval which was granted in May or June 1898. The Board prescribed that he enter upon his duties about 1 July 1898 and that these duties shall be to carry on the teaching of Pathology and Bacteriology in Cooper College by lectures and laboratory courses and to take full charge of the same; to make all autopsies in Lane Hospital and all those in the City and County Hospital which are under the control of Cooper Medical College; and that he shall also make all pathological examinations of tissue, sputum, etc., required in both hospitals.[66]

The performance of Dr. Ophüls having been satisfactory, the Faculty of the College unanimously recommended and the Board of Directors approved his appointment as Professor of Pathology and Bacteriology effective 7 December 1898.[67]

Dr. Ophüls was born in Brooklyn, New York, on 23 October 1871. He was taken to Germany in early childhood where he attended high school (Gymnasium) in Crefeld, and attended the University of Würzberg from 1890 to 1893, where he was a member of the student corps, Rhenania. He spent 1894 in the University of Berlin and in 1895 he received the degree of doctor of medicine in Göttingen under Professor Johannes Orth. In 1896-1897 he was an Assistant at the Pathologic Institute at Göttingen.

On returning to America in 1897 Dr. Ophüls was almost immediately appointed Professor of Pathology and Bacteriology in the University of Missouri at Columbia, where he spent one year; that is, parts of 1897 and 1898. When the search for a Professor of Pathology and Bacteriology at Cooper Medical College came to the attention of Dr. William H. Welch of Johns Hopkins, he recommended Dr. Ophüls who was promptly appointed to the position.

The College could hardly have been more fortunate in the selection of Dr. Ophüls as the first full-time member of the Faculty. He was an outstanding teacher and academic administrator (serving as Dean from 1916 to 1932), and was also the foremost tissue pathologist in the West at the time. As we shall see, he had significant influence on the course of events during the impending period of transition for the school.[68][69]

Albert Abrams (c.1863-1924)

Dr. Ophüls replaced Dr. Abrams as Professor of Pathology on the Faculty of Cooper Medical College. There could hardly have been greater dissimilarity between the two.

Dr. Abrams submitted his resignation as Professor of Pathology to the Faculty at its regular meeting on 16 May 1898 and it was accepted by the Board of Directors of the College on 15 November 1898 without the usual expression of appreciation for prior services. The records of the College contain no information as to the reasons for the resignation. However, considering the nature of Dr. Abrams' practice, which we will now describe, it can be assumed that he was requested to resign.[70][71]

In a few words, Dr. Abrams was the most ingenious and notorious quack to be found in the practice of American medicine during the first quarter of the twentieth century. He was also a graduate of Cooper Medical College and a long-term member of the Faculty.

The following data regarding Abrams' relation to the College were obtained from the Register and Annual Announcements of the school. With respect to his attendance as a student we find that his signature appears in the Register of the College only for the year 1881, at which time he gave his age as nineteen. It is impossible to determine whether he matriculated for more than that one year. In any case he was awarded an M. D. by the College in 1883. He served on the teaching staff of the College for a total of fourteen years - five years (1885-1889) as Demonstrator of Pathology; four years (1890-1893) as Adjunct to the Chair of Clinical Medicine and Demonstrator of Pathology; and five years (1894-1898) as Professor of Pathology.

Who's Who in America for 1922-1923 contains a lengthy entry on Albert Abrams, physician: "Born in San Francisco 8 December 1863; M. D. University of Heidelberg, 1882; A. M. Portland University, 1892; and LL. D. (date and institution not specified). The M. D. degree in 1883 from Cooper Medical College is not mentioned. When the American Medical Association sought to validate Abrams' credentials, it was found that he had previously given his date of birth variously as 1862, 1863 and 1864; that there was no evidence of his having received an M. D. degree from Heidelberg; and that there was no record of the existence of a "University of Portland" at the time. It would appear that the LL.D. degree was also ephemeral.[72][73][74]

Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur was a medical student from 1897 to 1899 at Cooper Medical College, and during that period grew suspicious of Professor Abrams' qualifications and ethics:[75]

It was during my student days at Cooper that I made my first personal acquaintance with a quack, Dr. Albert Abrams, then (unfortunately) Professor of Pathology until his connection with the college was severed. Abrams became one of the sensational medical characters of the early 1900's. Like Wilshire with his "Magic Horse Collar," Abrams had an electrical machine with which he claimed to diagnose . . . almost every ailment. It was known as the "Magic Box" (which was supposed to measure the "Electronic Reactions of Abrams"). He was so plausible and those interested in him often so guileless and gullible that he made quite a stir. He was a complete and total fraud.

As a medical student I was somewhat further along in physiology and chemistry than most of my fellow students. I can still see Abrams in a clinic demonstrating on a Chinaman who had an enlarged abdomen. He said, "This is a case of syphilis of the liver. How do I know it is syphilis of the liver? First because he is a Chinaman and, second, because his liver is enlarged." I watched him after that, and saw him fake part of a test in making a urinary analysis before a class. I made some comment about it, and Dr. Lane sent for me to know what I thought about Abrams. I told him exactly what I thought. Not long after that, Abrams' appointment in the medical school was withdrawn. Nevertheless he continued to use the name of the Cooper Medical College and later that of Stanford University in his publicity, particularly in newspaper publicity.

(In 1922 Abrams was riding high as the guru of electronic medicine and claiming in his publicity that he was affiliated with Stanford University. Dr. Wilbur, then President of Stanford, protested vigorously to the Associated Press:[76]

May I call your attention to the enclosed clippings, apparently sent out from your office, indicating that Dr. Albert Abrams is connected with Leland Stanford University. The same error has been corrected several times. Dr. Abrams has never had any association with Stanford University. He is a graduate of Cooper Medical College, which was taken over by Stanford University long after his graduation. It is evident that Dr. Abrams, or some one associated with his publicity work, has tried to keep up the fiction of his association with Stanford.

It seems to me bad enough for such a responsible institution as the Associated Press to herald far and wide the scientific rubbish of Dr. Abrams, and worse still to connect the name of the University in any way with such absurdities.)

The public, some members of the medical profession, and numerous eclectics, homeopaths; osteopaths, chiropractors, etc. were far less insightful than medical student Wilbur and the Cooper College Faculty in recognizing Abrams as an impostor. In fact, after his separation from the College in 1898, Abrams went on to develop a wide following of admirers and grateful patients. Among his patients was the well known author, Upton Sinclair, popular writer on social themes, who was a particularly vociferous supporter. Abrams also attracted a large cadre of spurious practitioners who employed and vigorously touted his faked methods. The outrageous "electronic hoax " perpetrated by Abrams reached such an extent that both the Journal of the American Medical Association and the Scientific American each sought in a series of articles to expose and discredit his ridiculous paraphernalia and preposterous claims.

The following is a paraphrased and condensed version of the numerous articles on Abrams and his methods published in the JAMA during 1922:[77]

Dr. Albert Abrams of San Francisco is the latest rocket to blaze a somewhat polychromatic course across the firmament of pseudo-medicine. In the field of diagnosis. Dr. Abrams claims to have evolved a system of abdominal percussion, practiced in connection with certain apparatus that he has made, from which he derives what he is pleased to term the "Electronic Reactions of Abrams": (abbreviated ERA).

By means of this system Abrams claims that he "can diagnose the sex, race and disease" of a patient that he has never seen, and who does not need to be present. All that Abrams needs is a sample of blood from that patient. A few drops of blood, taken from that individual while he is facing west, but who may be a thousand miles or more away, are put on a piece of paper which is mailed to Abrams. The paper is then placed in what Abrams calls his "Dynamizer." This is connected with his "Rheostatic Dynamizer," from which, in turn, wires go to the "Vibratory Rate Rheostat" that is connected with the "Measuring Rheostat." From the "Measuring Rheostat" comes a wire at the end of which is an electrode which is pressed to the forehead of some other healthy individual who is termed "the subject" whose abdomen is then percussed. The subject must face west and be in a dim light. The mysterious energy from the patient's blood sample or other specimen passes from the subject's forehead to the subject's abdomen where this mysterious electronic emanation sets up certain changes in the hollow organs which may be detected by percussing the subject's abdomen.[78]

The nub of the whole matter is that the alleged diagnosis is made by mapping out various areas of resonance and dullness in the subject's abdomen by percussion. Dr. Abrams claims to be able to tell by this means whether the individual whose blood is being "tested" is suffering from syphilis, sarcoma, carcinoma, typhoid fever, malaria, gonorrhea or tuberculosis and, if so suffering, where the diseased area is located. He can also diagnose pregnancy and the paternity of the fetus by the same method.

More wonderful still, some operatives of the equipment have claimed that, for the drop of blood, one may substitute the autograph of an individual, living or dead, and by this incredible procedure determine whether or not the individual is or was a sufferer from syphilis, etc. When the autograph of Samuel Pepys was tested, this famous diarist was alleged to have suffered from congenital syphilis; the autographs of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow and Edgar Allen Poe gave the same result and, in the case of the latter, there was also the "reaction of dipsomania." The autograph (written in 1775) of that stern old moralist Dr. Samuel Johnson gave the "reaction" for acquired syphilis and tuberculosis. Nor is this all, Dr. Abrams announced that by his method he could determine the religion of the patient.

In the field of treatment Abrams claims equal marvels. He has discovered that every disease has its rate of vibration, and that all drugs that are specific in the treatment of disease have a definite vibration rate. He has, therefore, devised another instrument which he calls the "Oscilloclast." This is capable, so it is claimed, of producing vibrations of various rapidity's. Instead of using a drug, one starts the "Oscilloclast" going, moves the indicator to the number corresponding to the vibration rate of the indicated drug and applies the instrument to the sufferer who then gets, it is alleged, the therapeutic action of the drug in question.

The Oscilloclast is not for sale but can be leased to those willing to pay the price for it and sign a contract that they will not open it.

In 1917 Drs. Hyman and Reed, two reputable San Francisco physicians, proposed to Dr. Abrams that they furnish him with blood from 200 patients at the University of California and Stanford University Clinics on which to test the diagnostic accuracy of his "Electronic Reactions of Abrams." He refused to cooperate in any way with such an investigation.[79][80]

Abrams assiduously avoided controlled evaluation of his claims. One of his henchmen, a Dr. Caesar, was not so cautious, thinking that he could successfully outwit any protocol designed to evaluate the diagnostic accuracy of the Abrams test. In March 1918 Caesar offered to conduct diagnostic tests on blood samples from 192 patients at the State Hospital in Stockton, California, each of whom had either tuberculosis or syphilis. When Caesar refused to allow the Hospital-Physician in charge of the patients to observe the performance of the Abrams test, she secretly assigned an incorrect diagnosis to sixty-four of the 192 samples submitted for testing. When he tested the samples, Caesar reported the incorrect diagnosis on each of the sixty-four patients, indicating that he had surreptitiously obtained the information on which he based the diagnosis in each case.[81]

Two Ohms of Tuberculosis

In October 1922, Abrams came to Boston and "was given an opportunity to lay his cards on the table, face up." On Sunday afternoon, October 8th, he delivered a lecture at the Copley-Plaza at which between 800 and 1000 persons were present. On October 9th he appeared before the Board of Registration in Medicine on the understanding that he would demonstrate his method, and all preparations had been made for him to do so. When the meeting came to order, however, Abrams said that it was impossible for him to give a demonstration at that time and the meeting was adjourned. However, he agreed to give a clinical demonstration in the "laboratory" of one of his Boston disciples on the following day, but insisted on confining himself to demonstrating the presence of lesions "the existence of most of which could be proved only by post-mortem examination."

A member of the staff of the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, who was present, volunteered to provide a blood sample for the experiment with the following result as reported in the Journal:[82]

The volunteer accepted by Dr. Abrams for his experiment was in apparently perfect health. Yet this individual, according to Abrams, presented the following pathological conditions: streptococcus infection of the left frontal sinus and of the right antrum; two ohms of tuberculosis, location, intestinal tract; congenital syphilis; sarcoma, non-metastatic, of the intestine. In demonstrating the situation of the sarcoma, Abrams located it first in the right lower quadrant and later, by another method, in the left lower quadrant.

Abrams says that his Electronic Reactions are either the greatest miracle of the age or the greatest fake. No one who witnessed the above demonstration and who listened at all critically to his vague explanation of the theory of these reactions could concede the former. Whether the thing is a conscious hoax or is a case of self-deception we cannot say. Whichever it is, it is a dangerous doctrine; the time has come for the Board of Registration in Medicine to put a stop to the further perpetration of this fraud.

By 1923 thousands of American doctors and impostors were dabbling in "electronic medicine" which had many manifestations, chief among them the Abrams cult. The mystique of the bogus "electronic technology" made it a simple matter for the unscrupulous practitioners of this thriving fad to dupe and defraud the credulous public. The extravagant aura of "science" and "progress" at the time gave free rein to idiotic ideas.

In 1923, in order to settle once and for all the authenticity of the claims of Abrams and his disciples, the publishers of the Scientific American organized the "Scientific American Abrams Investigation Committee." Managing Editor Austin C. Lescarboura (an electrical engineer) acted as Secretary of the Committee which also included four distinguished representatives of various scientific disciplines: Dr. William H. Park (bacteriologist); Robert C. Post (civil engineer); M. Malcolm Bird (mathematician); and Dr. Walter C. Alvarez (medical investigator, graduate of Cooper Medical College in 1905, and Associate Professor of Research Medicine at University of California).

Dr. Walter Alvarez's father, Luis F. Alvarez, M. D., was also a graduate of Cooper Medical College. Luis Alvarez received his M. D. degree from Cooper Medical College in 1887 and Albert Abrams was Professor of Pathology at the time. Dr. Walter Alvarez remembered what his father said about Abrams:[83]

My father told me that the students soon found out that Albert Abrams, who after his return from Europe was put on the Faculty, was a crook. He was supposed to give them a course in physical diagnosis, and also a course in pathology. Apparently, he did not know one end of a microscope from another and so his supposed training in Germany was very questionable. My father said that Abrams told the students that if they would come to his office at night, for $100 he would give them a good course in physical diagnosis. . .

Once around 1920 I went to see Abrams with Paul de Kruif, and we could easily see that he was a self-deluded crook. He had one great gift. He learned the trick of getting free advertising from the newspapers by making such weird, stupid statements that they were copied all over the world. For instance, one day Abrams told the reporters that by taking a drop of blood he could tell whether a man was a Methodist, a Baptist, a Congregationalist, or a Jew.

The Committee's investigation in 1923 and 1924, reported in twelve articles in Scientific American, was wide-ranging, objective and thorough. Article number six in the series, published in March 1924, two and a half months after Abrams' death, portrayed the late Dr. Abrams as a cornered man, determined to preserve his grand illusion to the bitter end:[84]

Dr. Albert Abrams is dead. He passed away suddenly on Sunday, January 13, from an attack of pneumonia, on the very eve of his scheduled appearance as the star witness in the trial at Jonesboro, Ark., of Dr. Mary Lecoque, an E. R. A. practitioner charged with using the mails to defraud. The Government alleged that the Abrams practitioner in this case diagnosed the blood of a chicken as that of a human, and offered a cure after the specimen had been sent to her through the mail. This trial was one of several disagreeable events confronting Dr. Abrams, and no doubt weighed heavily on his already over-taxed mind and health.

It is fitting at this time that our investigation be directed towards a study of Dr. Albert Abrams who, after all is said and done, was the mainspring of the entire E. R. A. technique. To this day the basic facts of E. R. A. remain unproved, so far as the scientific world is concerned; and those who have accepted the E. R. A. technique have done so largely on their faith in Dr. Abrams. Indeed, in our constant and unrelenting efforts to obtain some evidence of the basic phenomenon on which this entire structure of queer ideas and still queerer practice rests, we have always been referred to Dr. Abrams. Individual E. R. A. practitioners, despite their every-day use of this method in making diagnoses and giving treatments to their patients, have declined to submit themselves to our tests and have preferred to have us deal directly with Dr. Abrams. Then, when we have tried in every possible way to make some kind of test with Dr. Abrams which would immediately prove or fail to prove his basic claims, we have found Dr. Abrams quite unprepared and obviously unwilling to aid us in our sincere quest except under his own, unscientific conditions.

The final article by the Scientific American Abrams Investigation Committee is an unsparing rebuke of the Abrams' pretensions:[85]

This Committee finds that the claims advanced on behalf of the Electronic Reactions of Abrams, and of electronic practice in general, are not substantiated; and it is our belief that they have no basis in fact. In our opinion the so-called electronic reactions do not occur, and the so-called electronic treatments are without value.

The so-called Electronic Reactions of Abrams do not exist - at least not objectively. They are merely products of the Abrams practitioner's mind. These so-called reactions are without diagnostic value. And the Abrams' oscilloclast, intended to restore the proper electronic conditions in the diseased or ailing body, is barren of real therapeutic value. The entire Abrams' electronic technique is not worthy of serious attention in any of its numerous variations. At best, it is all an illusion. At worst it is a colossal fraud.

The scientific community in general vigorously repudiated and censored Abrams and his multitude of staunch adherents. Nevertheless there was still a certain ambivalence in the public mind as suggested by the tone of the front-page obituary published in the San Francisco Chronicle on Monday 14 January 1924, the day after Abrams' death. In the end, Abrams once again captured the headlines. They read:

Albert Abrams, World Famous S. F. Physician, Dies
Doctor's Death Attributed to Nerve Strains
Was Discoverer of Electronic System for Treating Disease,
Theory Was Attacked Year Ago Forecast his Passing Almost to the Month, Associate Says

Dr. Albert Abrams, discoverer and exponent of the electronic method of detecting and treating diseases died in his residence and clinic at 2151 Sacramento street, at 8:30 o'clock last night, following a seven day illness of bronchial pneumonia.

(Note: Death Certificate of Albert Abrams obtained 31 July 1995 from the San Francisco Department of Public Health, Bureau of Records and Statistics, lists date of birth as 8 December 1864; date of death as 13 January 1924; and cause of death as "Broncho-pneumonia." There was no autopsy.)

Dr. Abrams was 61 years old. His death, which he had predicted almost to the week of the occurrence before an assemblage of his disciples in San Francisco a year ago, was directly due to the mental and physical strain which vigorous attacks of the medical profession had made upon him and his theories, according to the statements last night of his close associates.. . .

"Dr. Abrams tried not to show how deeply he was wounded by the constant and bitter attacks made against him by the orthodox medical men, but the attacks undermined his strength." Dr. Wirth continued, "He has gone, but his theories of treatment will continue; we shall carry on his work unflaggingly."

"Dr. Abrams was to have left Tuesday for Jonesboro, Ark., where a physician using his method of treatment of disease will go on trial in the courts this week. He then was to have proceeded to Ohio, where the Ohio Medical Association is carrying on a campaign against his doctrines," Dr. Wirth said, "and after defending his theories and practices in other Eastern states he was scheduled to sail for London for an appearance before medical associations of England. "

Work will continue uninterrupted on the ten-story building at Sutter and Hyde streets which is to be the Abrams College of Electronic Medicine. . . .

At the time of his death the discoverer and exponent of the new science of healing had more than 3000 "disciples" in the Unites States, Europe and Asia, according to statements last night of his associates. Twelve schools for the teaching and practice of his electronic reaction theories were in operation in the United States alone, and 1000 patients had been treated at his Sacramento street clinic itself.

Dr. Abrams' prediction of the probably date of his death was recalled by Dr. Wirth last night. "In addressing a meeting of his disciples in the new method of healing," Dr. Wirth said, "Dr. Abrams told us that he had made an examination of his own blood, and that his tests of his blood's energy output showed that he had less than two years to accomplish the many things he had in mind. He forecast his passing down almost to the month." . . .

Last August local friends of Lenin, the soviet dictator, asked Dr. Abrams to permit the use of his "oscilloclast" to determine the mysterious maladies then afflicting the Russian.

Medical impostors have always victimized the public, and other than science-based systems of medicine will always persist because of their peculiar emotional appeal, and in spite of their nonsensical basis. Medical charlatans like Abrams, claiming a scientific rationale for their methods, are now promptly discredited, but early in the century American physicians and the lay public were still learning to trust and apply the stricter standards of modern medicine. Paradoxically, Abrams' phenomenal success over a period of twenty years was based on his ability to convince his followers and hordes of patients that his pseudoscience was at the forefront of the medical renaissance then clearly in progress.

Unfortunately, the name of this cool prince of fakery has been associated in the annals of western medicine with Cooper Medical College, and questions regarding his methods, career and relation to the College continue to arise. That being the case, it seemed appropriate to provide the above detailed account in the hope of settling these questions.

Endnotes

  1. Historical Sketch of Lane Hospital, Box 1, Levi Cooper Lane Papers - MSS18, Lane Medical Archives. Lane Library Catalog Record
  2. San Francisco Evening Bulletin, December 31, 1894 and January 2, 1895.
  3. San Francisco Chronicle, January 2, 1895. Lane Library Catalog Record
  4. San Francisco Morning Call, January 2, 1895.
  5. "Editorial: Lane Hospital," Occidental Medical Times 9, no. 1 (Jan 1895): 43-44. Lane Library Catalog Record
  6. Levi C. Lane , "An Address Delivered at the Opening of Lane Hospital, January 2, 1895," Occidental Medical Times 9, no. 1 (Jan 1895): 1-8. Lane Library Catalog Record
  7. "The Call's Gallery," San Francisco Morning Call, 14 June 1891. Lane Medical Library. Lane Medical Archives. Mapcase Drawer No. 1. Diplomas and Documents of Cooper Medical College.
  8. "Baltimore American, newspaper, for 7 and 8 May 1889," Lane Medical Library. Lane Medical Archives. Mapcase: Top Drawer: Diplomas, Honors and Other Documents.
  9. Alan M. Chesney , Johns Hopkins Hospital and Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine: A Chronicle, Vol. 1, 1867-1893 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1943), pp. 25-33; 60-73; 145-148; 241-255. Lane Library Catalog Record
  10. Garrison, Fielding H. , John Shaw Billings: A Memoir (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1915) pp. 181-183. Lane Library Catalog Record
  11. Alan M. Chesney , Johns Hopkins Hospital and Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine: A Chronicle Vol. 1, 1867-1893 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1943), pp. 221-236. Lane Library Catalog Record
  12. Alan M. Chesney , Johns Hopkins Hospital and Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine: A Chronicle Vol. 2, 1893-1905 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1958), pp. 1-2.; 10. Lane Library Catalog Record
  13. Minutes of Faculty of Cooper Medical College, 26 September 1894 (vol. 2, p. 61) - Box 6.2, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  14. Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers of Lane Hospital, 29 January 1896, Minute Book of Lane Hospital, p. 64 - Box 11.2, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  15. Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers of Lane Hospital, November 1894 through January 1895, Minute Book of Lane Hospital, pp. 9-29 - Box 11.2, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  16. Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers of Lane Hospital, 5 October 1898, Minute Book of Lane Hospital, pp. 122-124 - Box 11.2, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  17. Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers of Lane Hospital, 1 October 1902, Minute Book of Lane Hospital, pp. 184-185 - Box 11.2, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  18. Minutes of the Clinical Committee of Stanford University Medical Faculty, 5 May 1911, Lane Medical Archives S1CB Box 1, Binder 1, p. 1.
  19. Minutes of the Executive Committee of the Medical Department of Stanford University, 27 September 1911, Lane Medical Archives S1CA Box 1, Binder 1.
  20. Historical Notes and Publications on the Origin and Development of Nursing Education at Cooper Medical College and Stanford - S1J1, Series 1, Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses and Stanford University School of Nursing 1895 – 1974, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  21. Manuscript Material Copied from Her Notes Taken in about 1949 for a Presentation to Stanford Nurse Club, p. 6, Clara de Forest – early history of Lane Hospital and School of Nursing - Box 1.3, [Nurse alumnae collection of publications] - S1JA, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  22. Lane Hospital Souvenir, last page, Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses - Box 1.1, Nurse alumnae collection of publications - S1JA, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  23. Annual Report for 1897 to Board of Directors, Cooper Medical College, 31 January 1878, Minutes of Cooper Medical College, v. 1, p. 252-253 - Box 5.1, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  24. Fielding H. Garrison , An Introduction to the History of Medicine (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders and Company, 1929), p. 721-722. Lane Library Catalog Record
  25. Stanford School of Nursing Historical Data, articles by Clara DeForest - Box 1.3, Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses, Nurse alumnae collection of publications - S1JA, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  26. Minutes of Meeting of Board of Managers of Lane Hospital, 25 September 1901, Minute Book of Lane Hospital, p. 174 - Box 11.2, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  27. Annual Announcement of Cooper Medical College, Session of 1902-1903, p. 20, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  28. Alice Denhard , ed., History of Stanford University School of Nursing, and Memories of Student Nursing Days, vol. 2, 1930-1974, pp. 23-27 and 65-67. Lane Library Catalog Record
  29. Stanford University School of Nursing History, 1953, p. 3 - Box 1.4, Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses, Nurse alumnae collection of publications - S1JA, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  30. First Annual Report of Lane Hospital, Stanford University Medical Department, for the Year Ending June 30, 1912, p. 7, 12, and 27, Stanford University Hospitals, Annual Reports, 1-11. Lane Library Catalog Record
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  34. Stanford University School of Nursing History, 1953, p. 3 - Box 1.4, Lane Hospital Training School for Nurses, Nurse alumnae collection of publications - S1JA, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  35. Adolph Barkan , "Origin and Essence of the 'Lane Medical Lectures'," California and Western Medicine 23, no. 5 (1925 May): 601-604. Lane Library Catalog Record
  36. Minutes of Meeting on 26 August 1895, pp. 194-196, Minutes of Cooper Medical College, vol. 1 - Box 5.1, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  37. Hans Barkan , "Cooper Medical College, Founded by Levi Cooper Lane: An Historical Sketch," Stanford Medical Bulletin 12, no. 3 (1954 Aug): 161. Lane Library Catalog Record
  38. Minutes of Meeting on 28 September 1896, pp. 219-219, Minutes of Cooper Medical College, vol. 1 - Box 5.1, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  39. Emmet Rixford , A Brief Account of the History of the Lane Medical Library and of Cooper Medical College: Address by Dr. Rixford at the Dedication of Lane Medical Library, Leland Stanford Jr. University, San Francisco, November 3, 1912, Leland Stanford Junior University Publications, 1912 Trustees Series' No. 22 (Stanford, California: Published by Stanford University, 1912), pp. 14-15.
  40. Letter: From Hugh Goodfellow et al, Attorneys, San Francisco; To Emmet Rixford, San Francisco, Dated: 25 April 1912, Subject: Resolution establishing endowment for Lane Medical Lectures adopted 30 October 1908, File on Lane Course of Medical Lectures, Lane Medical Archives MSS H747H S7S93.
  41. Memorandum dated 8 April 1949., from L. B. Lundborg, Office of Vice President for Development, Stanford University; To Dean L. R. Chandler, Stanford Medical School, Dated 8 April 1949, Subject: Funding of Lane Medical Lectures, File on Lane Course of Medical Lectures, Lane Medical Archives, MSS H747H S7S93.
  42. Personal Communication from the Financial Office of the Vice President of Administration, Stanford University School of Medicine, 7 July 1995.
  43. "Endowed Lectures: The Lane Medical Lectures," in Stanford University School of Medicine Catalog, 1994-1995 (Stanford, CA: Published by Stanford University, 1994). pp. 183-184.
  44. Minutes of the Faculty Meeting on 18 December 1893, Minutes of Faculty of Cooper Medical College, Vol. 2, p. 87 - Box 6.2, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  45. Minutes of the Directors Meeting on 15 November 1898, Minutes of Directors of Cooper Medical College, Vol. 1, p. 266 - Box 5.1, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  46. Emmet Rixford , A Brief Account of the History of the Lane Medical Library and of Cooper Medical College: An Address at the Dedication of the lane Medical Library Leland Stanford Jr. University; San Francisco, November 3, 1912, Leland Stanford Junior University Publications 1912 Trustees' Series, No. 22 (Stanford University, CA, Published the University, 1912), pp. 8-10 H747H L1D2 1912.
  47. "Illustrations, Two," Halls of Esculapius - Box 10, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  48. Orrin Leslie Elliott , Stanford University: The First Twenty-Five Years (Stanford University, CA: Stanford University Press, 1937), 55-56. Lane Library Catalog Record
  49. Annual Announcement, Department of Medicine, Leland Stanford Junior University, 1910-1911 (Stanford, CA: Published by the University; April 1910), p. 5.
  50. Emmet Rixford , A Brief Account of the History of the Lane Medical Library and of Cooper Medical College. An Address at the Dedication of the lane Medical Library Leland Stanford Jr. University. San Francisco, November 3, 1912, Leland Stanford Junior University Publications 1912 Trustees' Series, No. 22 (Stanford University, CA, Published the University, 1912), p. 15.
  51. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), p. 1. Lane Library Catalog Record
  52. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), pp. 4-5. Lane Library Catalog Record
  53. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), pp. 11-12; p. 22. Lane Library Catalog Record
  54. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), pp. 19-20. Lane Library Catalog Record
  55. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), p. 22. Lane Library Catalog Record
  56. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), p. 10. Lane Library Catalog Record
  57. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), pp. 79-82; p. 87; p. 88; p. 94. Lane Library Catalog Record
  58. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), pp. 85-86; 87; 88-91. Lane Library Catalog Record
  59. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), pp. 94-95. Lane Library Catalog Record
  60. Fielding H. Garrison , An Introduction to the History of Medicine, 4th ed. (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Company, 1929), pp. 709-711. Lane Library Catalog Record
  61. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), p. 117. Lane Library Catalog Record
  62. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), pp. 118-119. Lane Library Catalog Record
  63. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), p. 158-159. Lane Library Catalog Record
  64. Stanford University Bulletins, 1903-1904 through 1919-1911 (Stanford, CA: Published by Stanford University).
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  66. Minutes of Cooper Medical College for c. May or June 1898, pp. 260-261, Minutes of Cooper Medical College, vol. 1 - Box 5.1, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  67. Minutes of Cooper Medical College for c. May or June 1898, p. 286, Minutes of Cooper Medical College, vol. 1 - Box 5.1, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  68. Emmet Rixford , "Obituaries: William Ophüls, 1871-1933," California and Western Medicine 38, no. 6 (Jun 1933): 469. Lane Library Catalog Record
  69. Gunther W. Nagel , A Stanford Heritage (Stanford, CA: Published by Stanford Medical Alumni Association, 1970). p. 15-25. Lane Library Catalog Record
  70. Minutes of Faculty of Cooper Medical College for 16 May 1898 (p. 169), Minutes of Faculty of Cooper Medical College, vol. 2 - Box 6.2, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  71. Minutes of Cooper Medical College for 15 November 1898 (pp. 266-267), Minutes of Cooper Medical College, vol. 1 - Box 5.1, Cooper Medical College Collection of publications, Lane Medical Archives, Stanford. Lane Library Catalog Record
  72. Albert N. Marquis , ed., Who's Who in America, vol. 12, 1922-1923 (Chicago: A. N. Marquis and Co., 1922), p. 159.
  73. "Correspondence: Albert Abrams," JAMA 78, no. 14 (Apr 8, 1922): 1072.
  74. Paul H. De Kruif , "Doctors and Drug-Mongers," Ladies Home Journal, January 1923, p. 79. Lane Medical Library Lane Medical Archives R 730 A161 1922/70 PT. 4
  75. Edgar E. Robinson and Paul C. Edwards , eds., The Memoirs of Ray Lyman Wilbur (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1960), p. 84. Lane Library Catalog Record
  76. "Further information regarding Dr. Abrams," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 187, no. 19 (Nov 9, 1922): 677. Lane Library Catalog Record
  77. Compiler unknown. "A Compilation of Excerpts from Articles on Albert Abrams from the Journal of the American Association of Various Dates in 1922." Title: Albert Abrams. Lane Medical Library. Lane Medical Archives. R 730 A161 1922/70. Pt. 1 Lane Special Collection. Lane Library Catalog Record
  78. "Two Electronic Diagnoses: The Reactions of a Guinea-Pig and a Sheep in the Reaction of Abrams," JAMA 79, no. 27 (Dec 30, 1922): 2247-2248. Lane Library Catalog Record
  79. "Correspondence: Albert Abrams," JAMA 78, no. 23 (Jun 10, 1922): 1832-1833. Lane Library Catalog Record
  80. Paul H. De Kruif , "Doctors and Drug-Mongers," Ladies Home Journal, January 1923, p. 126. Lane Medical Library Lane Medical Archives R 730 A161 1922/70 PT. 4
  81. Paul H. De Kruif , "Doctors and Drug-Mongers," Ladies Home Journal, January 1923, p. 78. Lane Medical Library Lane Medical Archives R 730 A161 1922/70 PT. 4.
  82. "Enter Dr. Abrams," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 187, no. 16 (Oct 19, 1922): 581-582. Lane Library Catalog Record
  83. Luis F. Alvarez and Walter C. Alvarez , "Remembrance of Student Days at Cooper College," Recollections of Cooper Medical College: 1883-1905 (Stanford, CA: Published by Stanford Medical School, May 1964), No page nos. Lane Library Catalog Record
  84. Austin C. Lescarboura , "Our Abrams Investigation - VI: A Study of the Late Dr. Albert Abrams of San Francisco and His Work," Scientific American 130, no. 3 (March 1924): 159. Lane Library Catalog Record
  85. Austin C. Lescarboura , "Our Abrams Verdict: The Electronic Reactions of Abrams and Electronic Medicine in General Found Utterly Worthless," Scientific American 131, no. 3 (1924 Sep): 158-159. Lane Library Catalog Record
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